CQ

CQ TODAY ONLINE NEWS
July 13, 2012 – 9:38 p.m.

Boehner Weighs Risks of Farm Bill on Floor

By Richard E. Cohen, CQ Staff

Speaker John A. Boehner is resisting a floor debate on a bedrock bill to renew nutrition and agriculture programs, amid concerns that it will spotlight divisions among Republicans and divert attention from the majority’s pre-election agenda.

But some Republicans, including Agriculture Chairman Frank D. Lucas of Oklahoma, are pushing back and pressing leaders to bring the measure (HR 6083) to the floor in order to demonstrate that Republicans can govern. Some GOP panel members have suggested that leaders send the bill directly to conference with the Senate, which passed its version (S 3240) with bipartisan support on June 21.

Boehner and his allies want to avoid putting his fractious conference on display before the election, particularly because it remains uncertain whether enough Republicans will vote to pass a bill that has drawn Democratic opposition for its $35 billion in cuts from nutrition and farm programs, compared with the $23 billion in overall cuts across a decade included in the Senate’s version.

House leaders have made no secret of their July game plan, designed to feature unifying issues such as extending the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts (PL 107-16, PL 108-27), getting rid of federal regulations and avoiding deep Pentagon spending cuts.

“I don’t see how you square the circle,” a senior leadership aide said about the possibility of adding the farm bill to the House’s pre-set legislative agenda this month. The current authorization of farm programs expires Sept. 30.

Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack joined those who are pressing House leaders to take up the measure, a posture that only draws attention to the GOP’s intraparty conflicts, which go beyond whether to debate the bill. Vilsack said in a radio interview July 12 that failure to debate the measure “sends a very strong message to folks in rural communities about what the priorities are in Congress.”

Boehner, R-Ohio, signaled that he was aware of the potential political fallout from not taking up the bill, and he was careful not to offend Agriculture Committee lawmakers, many of whom represent rural districts in battleground states such as his own. He praised the committee’s efforts July 12 even as he expressed reservations about the bill, including his concern that it would make the existing “Soviet-style dairy program” worse.

The panel approved the measure earlier that day, after a marathon session. It would cut, over a decade, $16.1 billion from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly known as the food stamps program and now government’s largest nutrition program. But conservative Republicans contend that the bill falls far short of the spending targets outlined in the party’s fiscal 2013 budget resolution (H Con Res 112) and fails to overhaul farm programs and rein in spending.

Although the Speaker has not publicly closed the door on House action before the elections, numerous factors make it highly unlikely the House will take up the measure before Congress departs for its monthlong August break.

Tensions Redux?

Intraparty divisions over the farm bill mirror those that surfaced earlier this year, during a protracted House battle over the renewal of surface transportation programs, a measure Congress had easily passed in the past. Boehner made revamping transportation programs his signature initiative last year, only to face fierce GOP divisions that ultimately forced the House to pass a stripped-down measure that weakened its hand in negotiations with the Senate. The talks finally produced the $120 billion, two-year reauthorization (PL 112-141) that President Obama signed July 6.

The dynamics in play over the farm bill have renewed the House GOP’s internal struggle over how deeply to cut federal spending, with conservatives calling for steeper cuts than some Republicans can abide. This conflict is likely to resurface only when House leaders have to pass a stopgap fiscal 2013 continuing resolution to keep the government running after Oct. 1, the start of the new fiscal year.

Pat Tiberi, R-Ohio, a close Boehner ally, is among those who are hesitant to stir party divisions with a debate over farm programs. “Everyone is for a farm bill, in theory. But there is controversy on many specifics,” Tiberi said.

Boehner Weighs Risks of Farm Bill on Floor

In a presidential election year, he added, “there are many other issues for us to address, especially economy and the jobs.”

Wisconsin freshman Reid Ribble, an Agriculture Committee member who strongly backs the bill, acknowledged that party leaders “have to make political determinations that I don’t feel qualified to make.” Among other things, he said, “I don’t know if there are 218 votes” to pass the bill. “The Speaker does no favors if he schedules the bill and it is defeated.”

Republican leaders cannot count on Democrats to support the bill, because many have harshly criticized the nutrition program cuts. Thirteen of the Agriculture Committee’s 20 Democrats voted for the House bill, but they disproportionately represent rural districts.

The GOP’s internal conflicts took shape as a coalition of 11 conservative groups, including Grover Norquist’s influential Americans for Tax Reform, declared that the Agriculture Committee’s bill “fails to reform [and] creates new subsidy entitlement programs.”

During the Agriculture Committee’s markup, which began July 11, Kansas Republican Tim Huelskamp, a freshman with tea party backing, pressed for deeper reductions in nutrition programs, which would have more than doubled the bill’s cuts.

Huelskamp’s effort was rebuffed, but he warned that he could not support the bill. “The fact that we did not follow what the House Republican budget bill was on the SNAP program will create major problems,” he said July 12. “There will be a battle over that on the floor.”

Texas Republican K. Michael Conaway said he backed the bill, despite concerns about its dairy provisions, to get it out of committee. “In order to make this thing work, nobody ever gets exactly what they want,” Conaway said after the markup.

’Sick of Extensions’

Still, some reliable Boehner lieutenants are calling on leaders to take up the bill. “We need to get a farm bill done,” said Rep. Greg Walden, R-Ore., who chairs Boehner’s leadership team. “Farmers need to be able to plan. The bill has some pretty good reforms.”

“Members want to tell their farmers that we have a five-year bill,” added Rep. Tom Rooney, R-Fla., who serves on the Agriculture Committee. “I am sick of extensions that put off decisions.” Like Walden, Rooney represents a sprawling district that is heavily agricultural.

Rep. Michael G. Fitzpatrick, R-Pa., whose district is largely suburban, said he wants a farm bill debate so he can press for more-limited cuts to nutrition programs.“The work needs to get done,” he said. “We were sent here to make decisions, even tough decisions.”

At least one Senate Republican is pressuring Boehner to bring the bill to the floor. “We would benefit by getting a House version done so we could start [House-Senate] conferencing,” said Sen. Mike Johanns, R-Neb., who served as Agriculture secretary under President George W. Bush. “At the end of the day, what we really need is certainty.”

Boehner has long been a sharp critic of agriculture spending and policy, particularly the dairy program. One of his early feats was the shaping of the deregulatory 1996 Freedom to Farm Act (PL 104-127), which phased out farm subsidies.

Boehner Weighs Risks of Farm Bill on Floor

Now it is up to him to decide whether to allow the bill to advance before the elections. He said on July 12 that he plans to take “a closer look” at the bill.

Ellyn Ferguson and Philip Brasher contributed to this story.

© Congressional Quarterly, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
77 K Street N.E. | Washington, D.C. 20002-4681 | 202-650-6500
  • About CQ-Roll Call Group
  • Privacy Policy
  • Masthead
  • Terms & Conditions
Back to the Top